7 research outputs found
Engagement féminin en Kabylie et intersection des revendications (1980-2001). Dominations, expériences et négociations identitaires
Cet article vise Ă comprendre les conditions d’émergence du tissu associatif fĂ©minin en Kabylie Ă partir des annĂ©es 1980 jusqu’aux annĂ©es 2000, ainsi que les modalitĂ©s et les effets de la prĂ©sence fĂ©minine dans les cadres de la sociĂ©tĂ© civile et des mouvements de revendication berbères. Il s’appuie sur un corpus archivistique et d’entretiens. Les donnĂ©es proviennent d’archives publiques et privĂ©es ainsi que d’entretiens rĂ©alisĂ©s au cours d’une enquĂŞte menĂ©e entre novembre 2018 et janvier 2019 dans la wilaya de Tizi Ouzou et la ville de BĂ©jaĂŻa, en AlgĂ©rie. Le choix de la Kabylie implique une contextualisation spĂ©cifique en AlgĂ©rie. Subalternes au sein d’un groupe minorĂ©, les actrices de ce mouvement sont confrontĂ©es Ă des processus de minoration variĂ©s. La Kabylie est une rĂ©gion berbĂ©rophone caractĂ©risĂ©e par la tension entre pĂ©rennitĂ© et renĂ©gociations des structures sociales et symboliques. Dans ce cadre, l’exclusion des femmes des espaces dĂ©cisionnels, dont la tajmaεt (assemblĂ©e de village) constitue l’institution sociale principale, ainsi que l’existence d’un militantisme fĂ©minin dans la rĂ©gion sont des aspects qui reflètent la tension entre pĂ©rennisation et modernisation du système symbolique, des structures sociales et, par consĂ©quent, des rapports de genre. Du point de vue mĂ©thodologique, au regard de son objet et de son contexte gĂ©ographique, ce travail s’appuie sur une approche thĂ©orique hybride qui conjugue les Ă©tudes berbères/amazighes (Abrous, 1988, 1995, 2004 ; Chaker, 1988, 1998 ; Tilmatine, 1989, 2017 ; Ould Fella, 2021) et les Ă©tudes d’ethnologie kabyle (Bourdieu, 1998 ; Lacoste-Dujardin, 1985, 2008) avec l’approche expĂ©rientielle de la condition minoritaire (Chassain et al., 2016), les Ă©tudes de genre et les subaltern studies (Spivak, 1988). Une attention particulière est accordĂ©e Ă l’association TiÉŁri n’Ttmeáąáąut, active de 1989 Ă 1995, et au Collectif de femmes du printemps noir, actif depuis 2001. L’hypothèse dĂ©fendue dans cet article est que mouvements de femmes et mouvements identitaires s’inscrivent dans un rapport Ă la fois de tension et de complĂ©mentaritĂ© les uns par rapport aux autres engendrant des consĂ©quences rĂ©ciproques, dont nous essayons de mesurer la portĂ©e en particulier pour les femmes, minorĂ©es parmi les minorisĂ©.e.s. Cette double minorisation se traduit par leur marginalisation dans la rĂ©alitĂ© sociale et leur invisibilisation dans les cadres thĂ©oriques de la connaissance et de la construction des savoirs en raison de facteurs historiques et sociaux. C’est pourquoi, le militantisme fĂ©minin s’avère ĂŞtre une perspective intĂ©ressante pour analyser les permanences et les changements des rapports de genre dans la rĂ©alitĂ© sociale des mouvements de revendications kabyles au cours du XXe et XXIe siècles. Cette dĂ©marche nous permet, en dĂ©passant l’invisibilitĂ© historique du mouvement fĂ©minin kabyle, de dĂ©celer un processus, non linĂ©aire dans son Ă©volution et toujours en construction, de changement et Ă©volution des rapports de genre qui se traduisent dans la renĂ©gociation des identitĂ©s de genre et l’intersection des revendications des actrices et des acteurs Ă©tudiĂ©.e.s. Ces mouvements ont pour point commun d’avoir Ă©tĂ© dès l’indĂ©pendance du pays cantonnĂ©s par l’État au rang de groupes minorĂ©s. La dĂ©finition d’une identitĂ© monolithique arabe et musulmane par le pouvoir central, a en effet eu comme consĂ©quence la minoration de deux groupes de population : les berbĂ©rophones et les femmes. Nous expliquons tout d’abord comment l’État a placĂ© les mouvements identitaires kabyles et les mouvements de femmes en position de minoritĂ©s et comment les luttes de ces acteurs se sont organisĂ©es en parallèle ou en s’entrecroisant. Au cantonnement par l’État, a succĂ©dĂ©, dans les annĂ©es 1980-1990, des interactions puissantes entre mouvement fĂ©minin en Kabylie et mouvement de revendications culturelles kabyles. Les processus de dĂ©finition et de nĂ©gociation identitaire des associations fĂ©minines se sont exprimĂ©s Ă travers un mouvement dialectique d’appropriation et de contestation de la revendication identitaire et des identitĂ©s de genre en rĂ©fĂ©rence aux cadres normatifs social, juridique et coutumier. Parallèlement, les revendications fĂ©minines et fĂ©ministes ont Ă©tĂ© interrogĂ©es au sein des associations identitaires kabyles. La reprise des revendications spĂ©cifiques des femmes est demeurĂ©e toutefois extrĂŞmement limitĂ©e et a mĂŞme connu une rĂ©gression Ă partir de 2001. Le « Printemps noir » a amenĂ© Ă une rĂ©affirmation du système patriarcal, y compris dans la structuration du mouvement contestataire de cette pĂ©riode.This article aims to understand the conditions of emergence of the female associative fabric in Kabylia from the 1980s to the 2000s, as well as the modalities and effects of the female presence on the frameworks of civil society and Berber identity movements. It is based on a corpus of archives and interviews. The data come from public and private archives, and from interviews conducted during a survey between November 2018 and January 2019 in the wilaya of Tizi Ouzou and the city of BĂ©jaĂŻa, Algeria. The choice of Kabylia implies a specific contextualisation in Algeria. As subalterns within a minority group, the representatives of this movement are confronted by various processes of minimisation. Kabylia is a Berber-speaking region characterised by the tension between the perpetuation and renegotiation of social and symbolic structures. In this context, the exclusion of women from decision-making spaces, of which the tajmaεt (village assembly) is the main social institution, as well as the existence of female activism in the region, reflect the tension between the perpetuation and the modernisation of the symbolic apparatus, of social structures and, consequently, of gender relations. From a methodological point of view, with regard to its object and geographical context, this work relies on a hybrid theoretical approach that combines Berber/Amazigh studies (Abrous, 1988, 1995, 2004; Chaker, 1988, 1998; Tilmatine, 1989, 2017; Ould Fella, 2021), Kabyle ethnology studies (Bourdieu, 1998; Lacoste-Dujardin, 1985, 2008) and the experiential approach to the minority condition (Chassain et al., 2016), gender studies and subaltern studies (Spivak, 1988). Particular attention is given to the association TiÉŁri n’Ttmeáąáąut, active from 1989 to 1995, and the Black Spring Women’s Collective, active since 2001. The hypothesis of the article is that women’s movements and identity movements are part of a relationship of both tension and complementarity, with each generating reciprocal consequences, the scope of which we try to measure in particular for women, who are minoritised among the minorities. This double minoritisation translates into their marginalisation in social reality and their invisibility in the theoretical frameworks of knowledge and knowledge construction, as a result of historical and social factors. This is why women’s activism is an interesting perspective from which to analyse permanence and change in gender relations in the social reality of Kabyle protest movements during the 20th and 21st centuries. By going beyond the historical invisibility of the Kabyle women’s movement, this approach allows us to detect a process, non-linear in its evolution and still under construction, of change and evolution of gender relations that is reflected in the renegotiation of gender identities and the intersection of the claims of those studied. What these movements have in common is that, since the country’s independence, they have been confined by the state to the status of minority groups. The definition of a monolithic Arab and Muslim identity by the central power has in fact led to the undermining of two population groups: Berber speakers and women. We first explain how the state placed the Kabyle identity movements and the women’s movements in a minority position and how the struggles of these actors were organised in parallel or intertwined. In the 1980s and 1990s, the state’s confinement was followed by powerful interactions between the women’s movement in Kabylia and the movement for Kabyle cultural demands. The processes of definition and negotiation of identity by women’s associations were expressed through a dialectical movement of appropriation and contestation of identity claims and gender identities with reference to social, legal and customary normative frameworks. At the same time, women’s and feminist claims were questioned within Kabyle identity associations. However, the revival of women’s specific demands remained extremely limited and even regressed from 2001 onwards. The “Black Spring” led to a reaffirmation of the patriarchal system, including in the structuring of the protest movement of this period
Debunking Climate Change Denial. The Case of DeSmogBlog Project and Its Crusade against Climate Misinformation Campaigns
The discussion on the ideological and legal underpinning of climate change denial theories, recently
inflaming political and institutional controversy around the world, merits closer linguistic scrutiny in order to take
proper measure of its discursive impact on constructing denialist stakeholder stance. This study intends to
investigate how the lobbying efforts of individuals and organizational think tanks, located in greater numbers in
corporate America, have deliberately disseminated doubt concerning climate change. To this purpose, the
investigation draws on data provided by DeSmogBlog, a counter-denialist project whose website contains profiles
of those accused of routinely exposing denialist theories and policy issues through the world’s most popular media
outlets. In particular, the corpus of study comprises a collection of texts consisting of key quotes extracted from
interviews, speeches, remarks and articles which are analyzed by implementing qualitative tools afforded by
Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) supported by Appraisal Theory and Stance frameworks. Preliminary results
suggest that discursive patterns of denial, which lead to the formulation of a denial typology, are embedded in
strategies employed by those involved in the concerted effort to discredit scientific consensus over climate change
The Total Involvement Experience of Ted Talks. how to establish credibility through what you say and how you say it.
The aim of this study is to investigate how the meaning-making resources of visual communication and spoken discourse are integrated and implemented to engage TED audiences in order to co-construct a discourse experience that leads to the acceptance of “ideas worth sharing,” the guiding principle at the basis of TED talks. The author demonstrates how these resources are expertly woven to facilitate credibility in a context where audience feedback is apparently limited and any discussion or criticism is completely absent. The study draws on the notion that the power of talk lies in its ability to reflect the cultural experiences expressed through language (Tannen, 1995). According to the author, it is this power that TED talks rely on, bringing back the way humans have always connected with each other through face-to-face encounters, which is the true essence of culture and community
The specific purpose of English for CLIL. The students’ perspective
Le politiche europee di internazionalizzazione della formazione hanno dato forte impulso alla diffusione del CLIL (Content and Language Integrated Learning), un approccio duplice, che condivide caratteristiche fondamentali sia con l'ESP (English for Specific Purposes) sia con i corsi di lingua per scopi generali. Questo studio intende dare voce alla prospettiva degli studenti, inseriti in una ideale triangolazione, che vede coinvolti anche i docenti disciplinaristi CLIL e quelli di inglese lingua straniera. La ricerca ha inteso esplorare bisogni e pratiche formative attraverso tre questionari, somministrati a studenti, docenti CLIL e di inglese lingua straniera (EFL) in sei diversi istituti superiori della Campania
Dossier : Minorisations. Revisiter les conditions minoritaires
Sous l’impulsion des études de genre et des subaltern studies, le profond renouvellement de la question minoritaire est revisitée ici, dans un contexte maghrébin, où les récents mouvements sociaux et les mobilisations militantes lui ont donné une visibilité accrue dans l’espace public. À travers la notion de « minorisations », ce dossier interroge les logiques de production de rapports de domination. Il rend compte des processus par lequel un groupe dominant définit un groupe dominé comme minoritaire, ainsi que des logiques de production de groupes minoritaires qui mobilisent, négocient et tirent profit de cette assignation identitaire. Afin de saisir ce qui, à différentes périodes, constitue la situation et l’expérience minoritaires, ce dossier resitue les processus de minorisation dans leur contexte historique singulier et dans leur dimension spatiale. L’approche pluridisciplinaire permet de croiser les regards sur la construction de ces rapports de domination et leur localisation à l’intersection de différents systèmes normatifs et/ou matériels de constitution du pouvoir (classe, genre, colonialisme notamment). De même, depuis le Maroc, l’Algérie, la Tunisie et l’Égypte, ces contributions privilégient l’analyse de la variété des répertoires d’action mobilisés pour contester la minorisation, soulignant l’agentivité des acteurs sociaux qui négocient, s’approprient et interprètent, sans cesse, les catégorisations. Rédactrice en chef du dossier thématique : Florence Renucci, juriste, CNRS, IMAF Numéro publié avec le soutien de : * Institut de recherches et d’études sur les mondes arabes et musulmans (IREMAM, Aix Marseille Université, CNRS, Aix-en-Provence, France) * Institut des sciences humaines et sociales du Cnrs (InSHS, Paris, France) * Centre Norbert Elias (CNE,CNRS, EHESS, Avignon Université, Aix Marseille Université, Marseille, France) * Institut de recherche sur le Maghreb contemporain (IRMC, Tunis) * Institut Sociétés en Mutation en Méditerranée (SOMUM, MMSH, Aix-en-Provence, France